Kansas abortion vote tests political energy in post-Roe America

OLATHE, Kan. — In the final days before Kansans decide whether to remove protections for abortion rights from their state Constitution, Kansas City’s politically competitive suburbs have become hotbeds of activism.

In neighborhoods where yard signs often feature high school sports teams, dueling abortion-related messages now also dot front lawns. A cafe known for its chocolates and cheesecake has become a haven for abortion rights advocates and a source of anger for opponents. Signs have been stolen, a Catholic church was vandalized earlier this month and the tension is palpable on the cusp of the first major vote on the abortion issue since Roe v. Wade was waived in June.

“I’m very sad that this happened,” said Leslie Schmitz, 54, of Olathe, speaking of the abortion access landscape. “And crazy. Sad and crazy.”

There is perhaps no greater motivator in modern American politics than anger. And for months, Republican voters enraged by the Biden administration have been explosively energized by this year’s election. Democrats, meanwhile, have faced erosion with their base and significant challenges with independent voters.

But interviews with more than 40 voters in populous Johnson County, Kan., this week show that after Roe fell, Republicans no longer have a monopoly on fury, especially in states where abortion rights are clearly at the polls and particularly on the battlefield. outside

“I feel pretty strongly about it,” said Chris Price, 46, an independent politician who said he voted for Mitt Romney for president in 2012 before supporting Democrats when Donald J. Trump was at the polls. “Candidates who would support abortion bans, I would not support them at all. Period.”

Asked if threats to abortion rights had affected her motivation to run in the midterm elections this fall, Natalie Roberts-Wilner, D-Merriam, Kan., added: “Yes. Yes . Yes. Definitely.”

On Tuesday, Kansans will vote on a constitutional amendment that, if passed, could give the Republican-dominated legislature the ability to push for new restrictions on abortion or ban the procedure entirely. Nearby states, including Missouri, which is separated from some competitive Kansas suburbs by State Line Road, a thoroughfare dotted with abortion-related yard signs, have already enacted near-total bans.

Voting is open to both unaffiliated Kansans and supporters. And whatever the outcome, activists on both sides caution against drawing sweeping national conclusions from an August ballot question, given the complexities at stake.

Read more about abortion issues in the United States

The amendment’s language itself has been criticized as confusing, and in a largely Republican state, Democrats and unaffiliated voters are less accustomed to voting on Primary Day. On the other hand, a few voters said they would vote no on the amendment but might support Republicans in November, a sign that some who support abortion rights still weigh more heavily on other political issues in the elections And nationally, a Washington Post-Schar School poll released Friday found that Republicans and abortion opponents were more likely to vote in November.

But there’s no doubt that the abortion debate in the state’s most populous county, located in Kansas’ Third District, one of the most competitive congressional seats in the country, offers the first significant national test of how the issue is resonating in the suburban territory.

Like other moderate and highly educated areas, from suburban Philadelphia to Orange County, California, the Third District is home to a substantial number of center-right voters who, like Mr. Price, they felt comfortable with Mr. Romney in 2012. But they embraced Democrats in the 2018 legislatures, including Gov. Laura Kelly and Rep. Sharice Davids, and many have rejected Mr. trump

Whether those voters remain in the Democratic fold this year, with Trump out of office, has been an open question in American politics. Democrats are betting that outrage over far-reaching abortion restrictions will help the party hang on to at least some of those moderates, despite the extraordinary political headwinds they face.

Republicans insist that anger over inflation, and fear of a recession, will drown out other concerns for a broad swath of voters. (In polls, many more Americans cite inflation or the economy as the biggest problem facing the country than abortion.)

Tuesday’s vote will provide an early snapshot of attitudes and energy around abortion, if not a definitive predictor of how those voters will fare in the fall.

“How motivating is it really?” said Dan Sena, a Democratic strategist who guided the House takeover in 2018, on abortion rights, adding that there had recently been signs of improvement for Democrats in some suburban districts. “How does he really move, when he is on his own, the women, he moves parts of the electorate? And that’s really going to give us insight and an opportunity to get an answer to that.”

Limited public polling has shown a fairly even, if unpredictable, race.

“It looks like the ‘Yes’ vote still has the lead, but that has narrowed,” said Mike Kuckelman, chairman of the Kansas Republican Party. Citing the Women’s Health Organization decision in Dobbs v. Jackson that handed control of abortion rights to the states, he continued: “A lot of this is because, I think, the decision of Dobbs has encouraged pro-choice forces to come out.”

The Kansas City Star reported Thursday that there had been a 246 percent increase in in-person early voting so far compared to during the 2018 midterm primaries. Several polling stations in both moderate and more Conservatives in Johnson County this week were in high spirits throughout the day, even in a rainstorm and baking heat. And on Friday, Scott Schwab, the Republican secretary of state, predicted that about 36 percent of Kansas voters would participate in the 2022 primary, up slightly from the 2020 primary.

His office said the constitutional amendment “has increased voter interest in the election.”

“I’ve talked to a lot of people who said, ‘I haven’t been involved before, but I’m going to vote,'” Mr. Kuckelman said.

Other Republicans said the abortion amendment and overturning Roe did not affect their commitment to vote in other races this year, which they have long been deeply committed to.

“No more energy,” said John Morrill, 58, of Overland Park, who supports the amendment. “I already had a lot of energy.”

In the Olathe seat, which drew more conservative voters Thursday, Melissa Moore said she was voting for the amendment because of her deeply held anti-abortion beliefs.

“I understand that women say, ‘I need to control my own body,’ but once there’s another body, that’s their body,” Ms. Moore. But asked how the intense national focus on abortion affected how she felt about voting, she replied: “I tend to always have energy.”

Some others at the early voting site in Olathe indicated they were voting against the amendment and were leaning toward supporting Democrats this fall. But they spoke in hushed tones and declined to give full names, citing concerns about professional backlash, in an illustration of how the environment has become.

Closer to the Missouri border, patrons of André’s, an upscale Swiss cafe, felt freer to openly express their opposition to the amendment. The restaurant and store sparked controversy earlier this summer when employees wore “Vote No” stickers or buttons and encouraged customers to vote, but several lunchtime diners made it clear they shared those views.

“We just want to make sure people have the right to make decisions,” said Silvana Botero, 45, who said she and a group of about 20 friends were voting no and also felt more excited to vote in november

At a nearby polling place, Shelly Schneider, a 66-year-old Republican, was more politically conflicted. Ms. Schneider opposed the amendment, but planned to support some Republicans in November. Still, she was open to Ms. Kelly, the Democratic governor, especially if the amendment succeeded. Passage of the amendment, he acknowledged, could pave the way for far-reaching action by the Legislature.

“I think Laura Kelly is kind of a hedge against anything that could happen,” he said. “She might bring some common sense there.”

Mitch Smith contributed to the report.

Leave a Comment

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *