With so many mistakes in the deteriorating relationship between Australia and China under the previous coalition government, there is much to share.
On the Chinese plate can be placed its military accumulation in the South China Sea, its trade sanctions on barley, wine, coal and other commodities from Australia and the imprisonment of two Australian citizens for reasons national security without a clear explanation of the charges against them.
The Australian dish is loaded with; anti-dumping duties on steel and aluminum that could contravene global trade rules; the Morrison government’s blocking of a Chinese company’s bid to buy a Japanese-owned dairy and beverage manufacturer in Australia (probably not for national security reasons); Morrison’s imitation of former U.S. President Donald Trump in his criticisms of China’s developing country status in the World Trade Organization; and the Morrison government’s decision to go it alone to drive an independent international investigation into the COVID-19 outbreak in Wuhan.
Contrasted trajectory
Liberals have form when it comes to demonizing outsiders. If it wasn’t the “commos” that came down through Vietnam to attack us in the 1960s, it was “too much Asian immigration” in the late 1980s, asylum seekers ’ships in the 2000s allegedly carried terrorists, the African bands that avoided the Melburnians. going to restaurants in 2018 and asylum seekers in 2019 that would expel Australians from waiting lists of hospitals and public housing if they were medically evacuated from Christmas Island.
The Liberals, who before this year’s election accused Labor of being soft on China, and Deputy Leader Richard Marles of being a Manchurian candidate, say they did not criticize Chinese Australians. Those voters disagreed: the Morrison government lost five seats with numerous Sino-Australian voting populations: Reid, Bennelong, North Sydney, Chisholm, Kooyong and Tangney. And they almost lose to Menzies.
Morrison complains that China is buying wheat from Russia while waging war in Ukraine, but has no problem with India massively increasing its oil purchases from Russia.
Wong’s face-to-face meeting with Wang was the first in three years between the two countries at the level of foreign minister. It was a real breakthrough.
China’s proposal is to make a fresh start. This does not require sacrificing our sovereignty or towing China.
The Minister of Commerce, Don Farrell, has proposed talks with China in an effort to resolve our trade disputes. Both countries are taking the other to the World Trade Organization to rule on the disputes. The problem is that the United States has destroyed the appellate body by refusing to appoint new judges as the terms of existing judges expired. It will not be revived at least until 2024.
As the Albanian government is pressured to maintain a hostile attitude toward China, the Biden administration is negotiating to reduce some of Trump’s tariffs on Chinese imports.
China’s proposal is to leave the past behind and start again. This does not require sacrificing our sovereignty or towing China. Nor does it require Australia to support China on any of the issues on which we disagree. At least if we restarted the conversation, we might have a better chance of getting the two Australians out of jail.
There are strong economic, social and moral reasons for Australia to resume dialogue with China. Among the economic reasons is that China’s economy is larger than that of the rest of Asia combined, and our exports to China exceed the total of those of our next eight largest markets.
Strict opponents of the Albanian government that re-established the relationship between our two countries are playing a dangerous game with Australia’s foreign policy and the ambitions of a peaceful, prosperous and stable region.
Craig Emerson is director of the APEC Center for Studies at RMIT University, a visiting member of the ANU, an adjunct professor in the Faculty of Business at the University of Victoria, and president of the McKell Institute.